Showing posts sorted by relevance for query bezirgan. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query bezirgan. Sort by date Show all posts

Sunday, June 22, 2008

Headcarves and Provacateurs


Also in Sunday's Zaman:
Since a woman announced on a live television show that she does not like the founder of the Republic of Turkey, she has drawn the ire of many segments of society. She has been labeled a "provocateur" and accused of having been paid to utter those words.

But no one has focused on the real reason behind her dislike of Atatürk. We talked to the person behind the controversy to find out what shapes her views.
Nuray Canan Bezirgan, 31, is a mother of three and wears a headscarf. But she is also more than that. Bezirgan has been one of the few vocal opponents of a ban on wearing headscarves on university campuses that began to be implemented in 1998 in the wake of the Feb. 28 unarmed military intervention against a coalition government with the stated purpose of preventing the rise of Islamist movements. The entire country learned her identity when she appeared on a political debate show hosted by Fatih Altaylı on the Kanal 1 television station and said "I don't like Atatürk, but I like Ayatollah [Khomeini]," the leader of the 1979 Iranian revolution.

"First of all, that is not what I said," Bezirgan says, angered by the media's simplifying her point to a single phrase, which she did not utter in one sentence. She says she was invited as a guest to discuss a recent ruling of the Constitutional Court annulling a government-sponsored amendment that would have lifted the nearly two-decade-long ban on the headscarf. She was one of the guests, she said, because she had legal troubles when an anti-headscarf campaign was started after the Feb. 28 process. "In 1998, I was a second-year student at İstanbul University's Health Services Vocational College," she says. On one day, a few weeks before the graduation ceremony in June of that year, she was ordered by her instructor to leave a final exam because she was wearing a headscarf. When she refused, the instructor called the police, which were already deployed on campus as a safety measure against daily headscarf protests and journalists filming them. The police entered the classroom. She remembers them as Robocop figures and speaks of being very scared because the police came in only for her, with a horde of media members tailing them, and dragged her out. She was detained by the police and later charged with "obstructing education," eventually being expelled from school. She was released pending trial and when the trial ended in the June 2000, she was sentenced to six months in prison, a sentence later converted to a monetary fine. Many other people had similar experiences, but only a few of them spoke out.

Bezirgan said the first time she became interested in the headscarf issue was when she saw protesters like her future self when she was 14 or 15. "I didn't know anything about the headscarf or Islam back then. I remember I saw headscarved students at the Cerrahpa?a School of Medicine. I must have been there for a medical problem. I asked them what they were protesting and they told me. That was the first time I heard of such a problem in Turkey."

Her mother, with roots in the former Yugoslavia, was from the western Thrace region, where she was raised, while her father's side of the family is from the more traditional central Anatolian province of Kütahya. "I was mainly brought up with the culture of Thrace," she says. She was the first woman on her mother's side to cover her head and says she even had difficulties with her family when she adopted her religious convictions. "It really was difficult when I lived with my family," she says. But later, she moved out to a state dorm, where things became easier. While studying at the university she met her husband, 33-year-old Ömer Bezirgan, who shares a similar outlook on life.

Her first detention on the day of that final exam, however, was not her last. In February 1999 she was detained once again, along with 17 others, during a demonstration of headscarved students at Marmara University. She was four-and-a-half-months pregnant with twin boys. "I was not even part of the demonstration. I was waiting for a friend there," she recalls. When she fainted in the detention cell and was taken to the hospital she was told by the doctors that she had lost one of the babies. She spoke of this terrible memory while showing a forensic medicine report of the incident citing an in utero mort fetalis. After her release she was charged with "opposition to the law on demonstrations," of which she was acquitted at the trial's conclusion. She also remembers that male protesters were beaten by the police and humiliated by officers. At some point during her hospitalization, an officer even tried to remove her from the hospital to take her to court despite doctors' objections.

The psychological trauma of what she had been through was heavy, but she nevertheless continued to protest for her cause. In November 1999 she was detained once more by the police during another headscarf protest at Marmara University after releasing doves as part of the demonstration.

However, it was not until November 2000, when she appeared on a television program with journalist Mehmet Ali Birand on CNN Türk that she considered leaving the country. She was threatened physically during the show when a viewer called in and said: "We know where you live. We will kill your other child, too." In retrospect, she sees she had every reason to be scared. Many of those living through problems stemming from their wearing a headscarf were simply not vocal about what was going on. This, she believes, is an important reason why so many people do not understand what the big deal about the headscarf is. "Taking my headscarf off is like cutting my head off," she says, but complains there weren't too many people to explain this to others. "Most of the girls' families did not let them [appear on TV shows or make statements to explain their situation]," she suggests as an explanation of her being one of the few who are vocal about their problems in those times.

This happened at a time when international rights groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch (HRW) had taken an interest in her plight. She and her family left Turkey, aided by HRW, which suggested trying to seek asylum in Canada. The country granted the couple asylum, deciding that they were under pressure from their government in practicing their religion.

Bezirgan and her family lived until 2006 in Canada, where she and her husband both majored in English for Academic Purposes (EAP) and tourism and recreation with student loans from the Canadian government. They decided to return to Turkey, because Canada, Bezirgan says, proved to be "too liberal" to raise her children with the values she wanted to. "For example, they are too liberal on issues such as homosexual rights. At school the teacher tells children it's possible to have a family with two mothers only or two fathers. It is confusing for the children." However, Ömer Bezirgan quickly notes, "We haven't fully settled yet; we are only trying out [living in Turkey]." The family rents the house they live in and complains of financial problems as they owe more than $50,000 to the Canadian government in student loans. The family may decide to give up and move back to Canada.

Back at home now, Bezirgan is facing an investigation for saying "I don't like Atatürk" on television. Three separate prosecutors who suspect her words might be a violation of respecting the memory of Atatürk, a crime under the current penal code, have moved to prosecute her.

"There is nothing here against the personality of Atatürk. I am only discussing the opinions of this personality as well as the opinions and applications of these opinions by people citing his thoughts. They are trying to present me as if I had insulted Atatürk, the person, and that is not the case."

Wednesday, August 6, 2008

Insulting Atatürk


I first posted about Canan Bezirgan in June. After saying she did not like Atatürk on television in November 2000 and becoming the center of a media frenzy, Bezirgan made the decision to move to Canada. With the help of Human Rights Watch, she gained asylum status in Canada. In 2006, Bezirgan returned to Turkey--she found Canada much too "liberal" in morals--and soon became faced with prosecution for her 2000 remarks. Under the Turkish Penal Code, it is a crime to insult Atatürk and the Supreme Leader's legacy. From BIA-Net:
Beyoğlu/Istanbul prosecutor Muzaffer Yalçın saw no need to try Nuray Canan Bezirgan and Kevser Çakır, who were accused of insulting Atatürk, founder of the Turkish Republic, because of their statement that “I do not like Atatürk, I like Humeyni.”

According to the report by ntvmsnbc, prosecutor’s reasoning was that there was no need for special laws to protect Atatürk’s value.

Although the prosecutor says this, the Law 5816 About Crimes Against Atatürk, which went into effect in 1951, is still in place. Many people, among them writer Mustafa İslamoğlu, journalist Hakan Albayrak, owner of Peri Publishing Ahmet Önal, Professor Atilla Yayla, journalist İpek Çalışlar, publishers Ragıp Zarakolu and Fatih Taş, translators Lütfi Taylan Tosun and Aysel Yıldırım, administrator of Özgür-Der Children’s Club Zehra Çomaklı Türkmen, journalists Mehmet Terzi and Oral Çalışlar, were tried because of this law. Some of these individuals received jail sentences.

Liking is a matter of heart
In the television program she was interviewed, Bezirgan had asked if she had the right not to like Atatürk.

According to Prosecutor Yalçın’s reasoning:

“Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is a national hero. As a national hero and a revolutionary, he took his place in the histories of Turks and Turkish Republic as well as the World History. As Atatürk’s value will not diminish just because someone said a bad thing about him, there is no need for special laws to protect his value. It is true that there are those who do not like Atatürk. Liking someone is a matter of heart; it is inside one’s heart.” (EÜ/EZÖ/TB)
Although Yalçın made the decision not to pursue Bezirgan's prosecution, another prosecutor might have just as easily brought the case to court. The most notable case to be brought to trial under the Atatürk statute this year was that of Atilla Yayla. Yayla was found guilty in January of this year and sentenced to 3 months in prison (although the sentence was suspended).

It is very difficult to talk or write about Atatürk, and it is something I have been careful to avoid (and advised to avoid). However, Turkish Daily News columnist Mustafa Akyol has not been so reluctant to launch criticism of how Turkey handles Atatürk's legacy, which he has described as characterized by a kind of personality cult--indeed, it is one of the columnists most frequent touched upon subjects. It cannot be stressed enough that Akyol's criticism is not of Atatürk, but rather of how the leader's legacy has been handled throughout the country's history. Akyol's treatment of Atatürk's legacy sometimes shocks even me--an outsider--in its strong criticism of what the columnist sees as a set of practices that hinder Turkey's political development, but his obervations hold weight and the problems he isolates certainly join the other obstacles Turkish democracy must struggle to overcome. Here are four most provacative columns Akyol has authored:

The Atatürk Silhouette on the Holy Mountain

Why Most 'Educated' Turks Are Hopelessly Illiberal

'How Dare You Not Love Atatürk?!'

The Heinous Attack on the Penis of Atatürk's Horse